Baldwin’s interpretation of the New Negro has a fundamental difference with that of Alain Locke’s interpretation of the New Negro.
Although both authors share similar notions that a New Negro identity has been formed in the turn of the 20th century, they differ in their approach to how this identity is constructed. (Or what led to production of this identity)
Alain Lock points to “race literature” and “race journalism” as inner Negro documentation of self, which were instruments for the mainstream development of the New Negro identity that developed in America. He believes that the literary movement through progressive race periodicals as the Crisis under editorship of Dr. Du Bois and Charles Johnson were able to ignite the racial awakening and this New Negro race sprit.
Well in fact, this point of reference to answer the “how” is a major difference in ideas for both Lock and Baldwin. Baldwin believes it was the Black entrepreneurs such as Jack Johnson, Madam C.J. Walker and other business shaped the new race identity.
Baldwin suggests that economical power enabled for the emergence of the middle Black America. This allowed for black business to have a direct black market that they can influence and which also sustain them even during the time of the depression. The access to Black markets in south side Chicago, was most influential in producing that new race spirit.
These opposing views have strong ties to the conflicting race ideologies of Booker T. Washington and Dr. Du Bois. Baldwin could been seen supporting the argument of Booker T Washigton that believes only through economical gain and self sustaining will the Black race uplift. On the other hand Locke has asserted that Dr. Du Bois intellectual and race journalism would be the most effective tool to help the Black race.
One very distinct difference between the two books is the race relations of migrants in Harlem and Chicago. Although both authors argue Harlem and Chicago served as the new mecca for southern immigrants, Locke provides that Harlem will not be susceptible to race friction between the races in New York. This is because little or no gang labor gave Harlem Negros the opportunity for individual expansion and individual contacts with life and spirits of New York (p 310).
However, the principal factors in the race riots in Chicago 1919 were the fact that there was 12,000 Negroes were employed in gangs in the stockyards. This created a division between the residency of Blacks and Whites build animosity toward each other. Although there were considerable race feelings towards black in Harlem, he argues that it was only feeling and no more (p 310).